The NY Times ran a fascinating article about the Pope's upcoming trip to Brazil and the ongoing tension between the Catholic Church and the liberation theology movement in Central and South America. In essence, the tensions revolves around how involved followers of Jesus should be in standing in solidarity with the poor and the oppressed, and especially what that might look like. Liberation theology sees itself as carrying on the mandate of Jesus to see the gospel as more than an individual faith, but one that is also a socio-political revolutionary movement. The Catholic Church sees it as a "dangerous, Marxist-inspired movement," a "fundamental threat to the faith of the church," even "a singular heresy." Here's a quote from the article...
"We believe in merging the questions of faith and social action," said Valmir Resende dos Santos, a liberation disciple who brings base communities and labor groups together in the industrial suburbs here. "We advise groups and social movements, mobilize the unemployed, and work with unions and parties, always from a perspective based on the Gospel."
Since liberation theology first emerged in the 1960s, it has consistently mixed politics and religion. Adherents have often been active in labor unions and left-wing political parties and criticized governments they complain are beholden to modern-day Pharisees.
Supporters see that activism as a necessary virtue to answer the needs of the poor. Opponents say it dangerously insinuates the church into the temporal, political realm, and in recent years they have repeatedly announced the movement's decline or disappearance.
Some of the distinctions in this debate are finely drawn. John Paul II's reach extended into human rights and politics, as he discouraged abortion and divorce and encouraged fellow Poles and other Europeans to reject Communism. He is widely credited with helping to bring about the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union.
That, some say, differs from the direct, class-oriented political activism embraced by liberation theology. Cardinal Ratzinger once called the movement a "fusing of the Bible’s view of history with Marxist dialectics," and other critics complain of what they see as its emphasis on direct collective action in Jesus' name over individual faith.
As John Paul II put it early in his papacy: "This conception of Christ as a political figure, a revolutionary, as the subversive of Nazareth, does not tally with the church’s catechism."
A couple of questions kept running through my head as a I read this [especially in light of just having read Boyd's book The Myth of a Christian Nation]. At what point does standing in solidarity with the poor and the oppressed move into places where you pursuing the "power of the sword" to ultimately try and solve the issue? On the other side, at what point does embracing an "individualistic" faith place you in a position of religious and social escapism, and thus becoming complicit with the system of oppression and marginalization? I have to disagree with the assessment that Jesus was not a political figure and a revolutionary - as he was crucified on a Roman cross, a punishment held exclusively for those seen as a threat to the Roman Empire. Yet at the same time, Jesus chose a "third way," a revolutionary movement that did not seek the "power of the sword," but instead chose the way of love and life-giving sacrifice.
[photo courtesy of Lalo de Almeida/The New York Times]
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